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As Leung's paper has stated, the "Korean Wave" or "Hanliu"
is distinct from the Japanese wave in the sudden onset. The "Hanliu"
in Taiwan took everyone by surprise. In the spring of 2001, a Taiwan
local cable company launched the Korean TV drama "The Autumn
Tale" and received high popularity as the young audience continued
their discussions on the internet. The success of "The Autumn
Tale" was phenomenal, the newspapers considered the success
of the TV drama as the continuation of Korean popular culture's
influence since the import of Korean pop music in mid 1990s. It
is said that the younger generation in Taiwan, after the Japanese
idol drama wave and "Hanliu", is different from any generation
before: it is more acquainted with other Asian popular cultures.
In Taiwan, people tend to compare the Korean dramas with the
Japanese idol dramas, for they both come from nearby Asian countries
and has both successfully targeted the younger audience. As Leung's
paper has showed us, the most recognizable features that the Korean
dramas share with the Japanese idol dramas are: a, the urban appeal;
b, beautiful settings and music; c, romance; d, idol effect; e;
melodrama. Leung's comparison is a textual one, and is itself
a culturally situated textual reading.
For Taiwanese audience, the conditions of possibility for Korean
popular cultures to succeed are different from those of Japan.
Historically, Japanese popular cultures have been present in Taiwan's
everyday life for decades, and most people, regardless of age,
have had "Japanese experiences" in good or bad terms.
Korean popular cultures, on the contrary, were foreign for most
Taiwanese till recently.
The Japanese popular cultures caused some concerns on Taiwan's
cultural identity in the 1990s, and the cultural debate on the
youngsters' "Japan craze", or "Hari", was
full of anxiety. The "Hari" cultural trend had changed
the young generation's worldview and consumption mode, which results
in a pervasive scale of cultural change, from as broad as the
imagination of a modern urban life to as specific as favorite
brand names and fashions. Different from the "Hari"
trend, the influence of "Hanliu" is narrowed down to
the consumption mode. It has successfully promoted Korean idol
stars and related Korean products, though not in the scale of
Japanese commodities.
Aesthetically, the "Hari" trend has changed the Taiwanese
youngsters' aesthetics on self-images such as how to wear make up
and how to dress oneself. The major cultural influence of "Hanliu",
on the contrary, is unarguably the boom of plastic surgery, because
most pretty faces in Korean dramas are said to be the outcome of
plastic surgery. Plastic surgery is no longer considered a shameful
practice and a cultural taboo. The most recent development has been
a combination: the famous Japanese cosmetic product line DHC has
announced a Korean star Kim Hee-sun ( )
as its 2004 spokeswoman in Taiwan and Korea.
From my interviews, I have found out how Taiwanese twenty-year-olds
compare the Japanese dramas with the Korean dramas. Their points
could be roughly categorized into the following five aspects:
1. The Taiwanese audience, especially that of the younger generation,
draw a very clear distinction between the Japanese and the Korean
TV dramas. A hierarchy has been drawn in which Japan is on the
higher end of modern culture, and Korea the lower, therefore the
more familiar resemblance of Taiwan. Such hierarchy is at the
first glance a cultural one, but it echoes the economic status
of the nation.
One of the interviewees points out that his parents hold a reserved
opinion about the "Hanliu" : "My parents said that
they could understand if I go Japan-craze, because Japan is a
more advanced society, but they think it absurd that I like Koreans,
because Koreans are just like us Taiwan."
2. Gender inequality and male chauvinism in Korean dramas make
significant impression on the audience. Korean dramas attract
not only young audience, but also female audience of older ages.
Korean dramas are considered to be more suitable for family viewings
because they contain more family matters than Japanese idol dramas.
An interviewee said: "My mother would ask me to switch the
channel if I were watching Japanese idol dramas, but my mother
would actually watch Korean dramas with me and wouldn't force
me to change. My mother would be watching the program and complaining
about the male chauvinism in the stories, and said that she couldn't
imagine there would be even worse male chauvinist families than
Taiwanese. My mother quite identified with Korean women's problems
and said that she had gone through all the same problems."
3. "Struggle over tradition" and controversial female
characters are appealing to young audience. Unlike Japanese idol
dramas where the urbanity and individual happiness are the themes,
the conflicts between Confucian tradition and social modernity
are some of the major cultural experiences in Korean dramas, which
the young audience engages with Korean deeply. This coincides
with Leung's points on "Confucian values" and "conservatism".
4. Narrative structures are different between Japanese dramas
and Korean dramas. This is perhaps the most important distinction
between them. In this comparison, interviewees give an easy formula
by placing Taiwanese local dramas on the one end and Japanese
idol dramas on the other, situating the Korean dramas in the middle.
The most distinctive differences among them are the length of
each drama series. The Japanese idol dramas are well-structured
and extend no longer than twelve episodes, with each story line
clear and efficient. The Taiwanese local dramas are tediously
long, each series could go on for more than 40 episodes, or even
100, if the ratings are high.
In terms of length, Korean drama series are quite in the middle,
because they don't go as short as the Japanese idol dramas, either
would they go as long as the local ones. One interviewee said:
"Korean dramas are new to me, they look very different from
what we used to watch. They are not as dreamy and unrealistic
as the Japanese dramas, the Japanese dramas are too idol-oriented.
Korean dramas are similar to ours, but they are not as family
oriented as Taiwanese dramas." Another interviewee said:
"Their (Korean) stories and patterns are like ours: two major
male characters and two major females. You don't see such complication
in Japanese idol dramas often."
In a word, on the account of story patterns, the interviewees
tend to value "realistic" stories over idol approach,
and some look for familiar story patterns, while some favor the
difference.
5. The marketing strategies between Japanese dramas and Korean
dramas are similar. The interviewees all agree that both adopt
powerful commodity promotion strategies, but they are also aware
that the contents are different. One interviewee concludes that
Korean dramas are successful because they "sell products
in a Japanese way." By "Japanese way", it means
a combined packaging of idol stars and commodities. However, a
very significant difference is that Korean dramas relied on internet
promotion at their beginning stage, therefore the Korean drama
fans rely on internet information more than the Japanese drama
fans, who can have various access other than internet to Japanese
information.
It is interesting to see how the discourse of difference has
been formulated among the drama audiences. In Leung's paper, the
concept of "co-evalness" of social economy and drama
tempo is made to explain the correlation between the social development
and the audience's preferred tempo of dramas, this concept is
also applied to explain the downward market of Japanese dramas
across Asia after Japan's economy went slow in 1998. However,
how a country's economic condition influences its cultural products,
and therefore the overseas market's reaction to them, is not an
easy reduction. It is too early to jump into the conclusion that
as soon as the economy goes down, the cultural products lose their
overseas market. For example, when the Korean pop songs made their
triumph in Taiwanese market, Korea was under the economic crisis
of 1997; and Korea was still in recovery while Taiwan started
to import Korean dramas in 1998.
Nevertheless, economy does posit an important factor in the cultural
hierarchy of drama category, but I would suggest a more cultural
perspective on this economic factor. In Taiwan's case, the Korean
dramas do not "take over" the market from Japanese dramas,
they simply share and divide the market pie, and they have made
the "economically determined" cultural hierarchy even
more visible. It wouldn't be easy for Japanese cultures to lose
their cultural privilege in this hierarchy, quite contrary to
that, it would even confirm Japan's position on top of other Asian
countries.
At this point no one can come up with an easy formula to explain
why a certain cultural form spread, and what a perfect modern Asian
touch is. How Korean dramas succeeded in Taiwan differed from the
Japanese idol dramas, and how Taiwanese idol dramas appeal to other
Southeast Asian countries was different from the Japanese and Korean
dramas. Although it is tempting for us to draw a conclusion from
the economic determinism to state that the audience's preference
is related to the economic status of the society, we should hold
our pace and avoid making this categorization our final point, for
this finding only evens out the social differences among audience
groups and, in turn, cultural difference is made to prove nothing
but the already there economic differences.
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