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An Asian Formula? Comparative Reading of Japanese and Korean TV Dramas |
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| 'Mr Wang came home on his Hyundai car, to find Mrs Wang watching
'All In' on the VCD machine. His daughter, while keeping her mother
company on the TV, was on the phone chatting with her friend on the
Samsung mobile phone. Even though it was dinner time, the son would
not be torn away from his computer, as he has been spending hours
playing his favourite internet game, Legend. The game was one of Korea's
most popular on-line game especially in China.' 1 The above story is just one snapshot of Malaysian everyday life, but it reflects just the extent and scope of the Hallyu, which has swept across Asia for the last three years. Korean media and cultural products have swept across Asia around 1999 with a magnitude so sudden and (hence) so intense that it has been deemed the 'Korean wave'. For some, including producers of popular Korean dramas, this Korean success came as surprise. While most Asian cultures have long been under the influence of Japanese cultural products, the onset of 'anything Korean' presented as a shock-wave across Asia. While questions have been asked around the reasons for its success, many others were eager to compare Korean dramas with their Japanese counterparts to see how the former outstood the latter, and to investigate the presence of an 'Asian formula'. Still more wonder about the impact of this wave, and whether it presents a new trend of media globalization/ circulation around Asia, rivaling that of Hollywood. This paper represents the findings of my research into the Korean wave so far. It attempts to carry out a comparative analysis of the Japanese and Korean wave in terms of distribution, production as well as consumption. It first provides an overview of the extent of 'Hallyu' phenomenon across Asia. By using textual analysis, it compares the visual and cultural meanings of Japanese and Korean dramas. It delves into the similar/ differing reception and consumption of Korean dramas across China, Taiwan and Hong Kong to problematize the notion of cultural proximity as the easy answer for the successful circulation of Korean dramas across the region. I held focus groups of mainly university students in China, Hong Kong and Taiwan, both male and female on their reception of the Korean dramas. Such comparative audience study will hope to throw light on the relationship between TV dramas and the audience, in the political, economic and cultural milieu that complicates the dynamics of media globality across Asia. The extent of 'Hallyu' 'Hallyu' (or 'Hanliu' in Chinese) refers to the phenomenon and the impact of popularity of Korean media and cultural products, from films, TV dramas, K-pop, fashion, cosmetics, accessories, to electronic appliances, mobile phones, and cars. While its popularity mainly concentrates in the Asian and South East Asian region, some of the products reach as far as Europe and Latin America. Hallyu is also contrasted with the preceding 'wave' of Japanese products. But as shall be elaborated later, Hallyu is distinct from the Japanese wave in the sudden onset. Roughly speaking, 'Hallyu' started to emerge around late 1998 and reached its heyday around 2002. While its effect is still felt generally, Hallyu caused different waves in different areas. In the following, I will start by focusing the scope and extent of the wave in terms of films and TV dramas. i) Films Korean films have come a long history of serving strong ideological function. Media has long been seen as an 'ideological apparatus' of the government to provide political education to the public. In the 1990s, Korean films started to depict urban life, with more popular genres such as romance and action. The first Korean film which made a mark in the international film scene was 'Shiri' in 1995. In Hong Kong, however, it was 'Christmas in August' shown in 1999 that awakened the audience of the artiness of Korean films. The subsequent films such as 'JSA', 'Il Mare', 'The Isle', 'Happy End' took international audience by surprise of the diversity of Korean films, which edged on controversial issues such as blatant sex scenes and action. The film 'The Way Home', released in 2002, scored $900,000 in 5 days, with distribution spreading across Asia, including Japan, Taiwan, China, Indonesia, Vietnam and also Spain, Israel, Russia and Greece. But it was 'My Sassy Girl' which scored unprecedented success, in Asian as well as in Hollywood. It reaped a box-office of 6 million HKD only in 11 days of screening in Hong Kong; became box office no.1 Korean film of the year While winning the Best Asian Film in Hong Kong Film Awards (2003), 'Dream Factory' (owned by Steven Spielberg) bought its copyright to release it in the US, after 'My Wife is a Gangster'. ii) TV Dramas By the mid 1990s, Korean TV dramas have been exported to Taiwan, China and South East Asia. With the surprised success of 'What is Love' and 'Fire crack' in Taiwan, increasing Korean dramas became made into VCDs in Taiwan and then exported to Hong Kong. Korean TV dramas came into Hong Kong through 2 routes: one route in the form of (pirated) VCDs from Taiwan, another route came from the north in China, mostly thanks to VCD piracy. Having scored no.1 in ratings in Korea, Autumn Tale (alias 'Endless Love' in Taiwan and Hong Kong), a production by KBS (government TV station), swept across Taiwan, China and Hong Kong scoring high ratings in these different areas. Its sales topped those in China, Taiwan, India, Europe, Argentina and Brazil. The most recent boxoffice hit, 'All In', sold for 960,000 USD in Singapore, twice the amount for the previous record holder, 'Mermaid Lady' (MBC). Sales of Korean dramas Asia wide went up 58.8% in the year 2001-2 to 17.7 million US dollars. Producing Hallyu: history of TV dramas in Korea In my interviews to some Korean government and producers I had the impression that even to the personnel central to the export of Korean cultural contents find the Korean wave 'a surprise', 'an accident'. They may be surprised by the extent of this wave, which reflects the circumstantial / media and economic environment in Asian cultures. But when one looks at the effort in the past decade of the government and the industry in Korea, one should appreciate a systematic set of institutional strategies that provides the pretext to this blown out cultural phenomenon. The Hallyu was, as I see it, a laboured coincidence, and amalgamation of strategic export at a time when the globalised consumer culture instigated a demand in the localities for the exports. Korean media has come a long way to arrive at the stage of production of TV dramas to account for 'Hallyu'. It reflects a long history of media closure, government control and censorship, in which media served a clear ideological function for the authoritarian government. But it was the broadcasting of the Summer Olympics in 1988 that awakened Korea to the need for media internationalisation in the light of satellite media. It was also the first time the world's attention was focused on Korea. The development of the cable and satellite TV, on the other hand forced Korea to further relax its curb on foreign media. Towards the mid 1990s, Korea went through a further relaxation on imported films and TV programmes, at the same time as trade was further liberalised. Foreign TV programmes were increased to 30% of the total output in 1998.2 As for local production, with the help from foreign investment, coupled with the burgeoning Cable TV operation, had to be strengthened to cater for the increased demand, both on terrestrial as well as Cable TV. This was also due to the fact that having been fed with the better made and diverse foreign programmes, local audience was increasingly dissatisfied with the comparatively homogenous and mundane local production. To satisfy the demands on local production, independent production companies were encouraged; as a result the number of these production companies would rise to 100 by 2000. The Asian financial crisis altered not only Korea's economic policies, but also its outlook on the means for survival and development. To revive its slackened economy, Korea realized the need to rely on foreign trade. On the other hand, the influx of foreign imports inspired Korea to reciprocate by extending into the overseas market. This gave an added reason for the advancement of local production. The latter half of 1990s was also marked by the surge of exports of local TV programmes. Production was diversified to enhance local competitiveness in overseas market.3 The recent years saw an increased recognition of the importance of cultural and media industries as strategic industries. On an economic front, they become one of the major sources of foreign revenue vital for the country's economic survival and advancement. On a political level, the success of media products not only boosts the economy, but will strengthen the nation's international image. Efforts into strengthening Korea's cultural industries can be seen in the sophisticated set up of political infrastructure. The Ministry of Culture and Tourism, to start with, has different divisions that oversee the various aspects involved in the development of media and culture: from a policy level, to the technology and technical logistics, to the development of cultural contents, and to the strategies for promoting these cultural contents.4 There is a special section elaborating the weight the government places on fostering cultural industries: that the government pledges to 'strengthen capacities for cultural creativity', 'foster cultural industries based on cultural creativity', and 'promote information and knowledge world-wide'. The appointment of Lee Chang-dong, renowned film director of Oasis (2002), and Peppermint Candy, as Minister of Culture and Tourism. After the ground-breaking success of 'Shiri' in 1998, the government poured in funding to boost the film industry. To encourage sponsorship from the private sectors, there were also schemes where the government pays the same amount of sponsorship if any film projects succeed in attracting funding from private sectors. The Hana Bank fund, for example, was one type of sponsorship from the private sector.5 These seeming efforts, however, as seen by local Korean media industry, either not enough to help the smaller companies which 'really needed their help', or 'put the eggs in the wrong basket' by funding projects that did not prove successful. There was also a concern over too much government intervention, which might revert the country into the extent of control and censorship that Korea 'took a long time to get away from'. At a time when funds for survival were not forthcoming, government support in terms of financial help could be life saving; compared to areas where government support, was minimal, the amount of financial assistance from the Korean government is appreciated. Consuming Korean dramas: a comparison of the sales and screening of Japanese and Korean dramas Korean dramas merit on their quality, which are seen as a result of long production cycle, heavy production cost. 'Winter Sonata' cost 3 billion Won (1 billion HK dollars), with 4 million on promotion, 6 billion on sponsorship fees. The latest blockbuster, 'All In' (early 2003) invested 5 billion Won. The heavy investment in production is unprecedented compared to areas like Hong Kong and China. Ever since the success of these dramas, there have been an increasing attention towards producing the dramas to cater for foreign taste. But before delving into that, I will analyse the contents of Korean dramas that might cause their success. Despite sharing a few common features, Korean TV dramas are seen to depict certain qualities that might be seen cultural specific. From my interviews with university students and older audience from China, Hong Kong, Korea and Taiwan, I can derive a set of necessary ingredients that makes TV dramas globally marketable/ sellable/ desirable. In the following section, I will combine textual analyses as well as audience findings in teasing out the ingredients that make Korean dramas distinct, as well as contextual factors that might favour render certain elements 'desirable'. I will first discuss the consumption of Korean TV dramas as different from that of Japanese ones. (Pirated)VCD sales and TV as catalyst for success The Korean dramas were keyed in Chinese subtitles to cater for local consumption. The import of Korean VCDs in Hong Kong is said to result in two main routes: one from Taiwan (where most of the Chinese subtitles were done), and one northward from China. As in Japanese wave, VCD can be said as the major source of the globalisation of Korean dramas. In another paper, I discussed the features of VCD sales of Japanese TV dramas.6 The recorded nature of VCD is said to liberate viewers of the temporal restriction terrestrial viewing imposes on its audience. The fast scanning of VCDs is also seen to not only enhance the autonomy of the audience especially the employees and university students. It also aggravates the indulgence of the viewers on the dramas, who could watch the whole drama in one go, as well as use the rewind and fast forward to go back on their favourite scenes. There is also a strong sense of autonomy and subversion as a result of the ability to 'reclaim' the TV once the teenagers are left alone to watch the dramas. Hence, both Japanese and Korean dramas could be seen to ensue 'alternative' or even 'subversive' viewing. However, one major difference between Korean and Japanese wave is that viewing of Korean dramas are more 'terrestrial'. Partially because of the downfall of VCD sales, partially also because of the lesson from Japanese dramas, local TV stations bought a substantial amount of Korean TV dramas. In Hong Kong, the Hong Kong Cable TV, especially, could be seen as one most important cause of Korean wave in Hong Kong. The station bought 'All about Eve' in 1999, and Endless Love in 2000 at the start of the Korean wave. The other terrestrial station, ATV, relied heavily on the imports of Korean dramas, which were shown in prime time. The broadcast of Korean dramas, beside VCD viewing alters the viewing landscape of Korean dramas. While the broadcast version appeals to older audience (the most faithful TV audience) and secondary school students, VCDs are more favoured by university students and employees, the latter as they would still be at work or involved in social activities to be able to reach home for the structured viewing. Consuming the 'formula': comparative reading of Korean and Japanese dramas i) 'Urban' appeal Similar to the popular Japanese dramas, most of the Korean dramas are set in cities, presumably Seoul. Images of tall buildings, streets teemed with busy traffic, public transports (underground railway, buses) that conduce to the congested traffic, neon lights that light up the urban nights, are dominant in the dramas. Likewise, the dramas are about characters whose stories revolve around these city scenes. Despite these scenes are familiar and realistic to the majority urban audience, the aura they evoke instil a level of fantasy among both the urban and rural audience. The representation of 'modernity' exudes the appeal of 'novelty' for the local audiences, similar to that of popular consumer products. This same 'trendiness' has even been seen as a unique genre, so much so that the Korean producers adopted the formula in their new dramas, constituting a wave of 'Korean trendy dramas' which scored success in the Asian market.7 (This is especially plausible for the substantial percentage of the audience who reside in the countryside. These dramas offer an appeal of the 'urban' which is associated with novelty, glamour, the fashionable, youthfulness. ii) Beautiful settings and music Arguably though, some of the scenes in the most popular drama overseas, Endless Love (or Autumn Tale) do take place in the countryside. In my earlier papers, I argued how images of the rural serve as imaginary for the urban audience of the place 'that used to be', invoking a sense of nostalgic fantasy for the city dwellers.8 The more important imaginary that Endless Love offers, however, has to do with the pretty, almost artificial, scenery, which is always the first response given by respondents. The younger version of the male and female lead cycling along fresh green fields, the dying female lead leaning against her true love in the tinged flower bed, and later dying while being carried on the male lead's shoulders at the sunset beach, bespeak of a much stylized and crafted cinematography. The elaborate use of beautiful settings is symptomatic of the aestheticized lifestyle in our commodified and spectacled society. To further spoil the senses, the beautiful settings are underpinned by melodic music. Endless Love was commended for the luscious/ lavish use of music (including Western classics such as Romance d'amour), which makes the drama even more unforgettable. The use of music is also a feature of these 'trendy' dramas and adds up to the stylization of TV dramas. In fact it has also started up sales of CD albums of original soundtracks from these dramas, which became another sideline cultural product in the Korean wave. Aestheticization of Korean dramas is also seen on a literary level. Respondents from Hong Kong are especially impressed about the 'poetic' expression in the dramas. 'The Koreans have so many different ways of expressing about a colour, like different shades of green. They also use a lot of similes in expressing love, unlike the Hong Kong dramas, which have no other ways of saying 'I love you'. This shows that they put a lot of effort in writing their script.' iii) Romance The more poetic and imaginative ways of expressing love also makes Korean romance dramas outstand their counterparts. Almost all Korean dramas circulated around the overseas market are romance dramas. Romance stories have been a universal genre in TV dramas, reflecting the appeal of fantasised love relationship in audience' everyday life, and the relationship between TV dramas and viewers. In my questionnaires, respondents watch romance dramas most, and half find story line attractive. However, they seem to prefer Korean dramas in that they deal with romance in a way that stands them out from other counterparts. 70% find that the dramas deal with relationships 'in a delicate way'. Said some respondents in my focus group interviews: 'Korean dramas have much more variety in expressing love than HK dramas'. While Japanese dramas focus on romance between young couples, Korean dramas deal with more diverse relationship: filial love, love between siblings, friendship. Furthermore, Korean dramas are seen to be capable of dealing with these relationships in more details and in a more sentimental way. Respondents expressed that with Korean dramas, they are 'able to indulge and think'. For the younger audience, they like Korean dramas more for the fantastical qualities of romance: [the dramas] 'give young women what they wish to fantasize; I know it's old fashioned, but if this really happens, then it'll be good'. In another paper, I discussed how the Korean dramas (or Japanese dramas) serve as teachers to the younger viewers (predominantly female) who at the porch of womanhood have less romantic experience and therefore are more starry eyed towards romantic elements on TV.9 iv) Idol effect In addition to the beautiful music and setting, the Korean dramas are laced with beautiful faces. Korean dramas promoted a pool of pretty actors and actresses that e become icons even in Taiwan, China and Hong Kong: Song, Hye Kyo (  ), Won, Bin ( ),
Song, Seung Hun ( ), Kim,
Hee Sun ( ), Shin, Hyun
Jun ( ), and Lee Byung
Hun.Idols are perhaps the most important factor for the success of Korean dramas. In my interviews with Hong Kong, China and Taiwan audiences, the foremost reasons have been the male and female lead. The idol effect even causes the audience to choose their next Korean dramas by the same idols. This loyalty to certain idols serve as guarantee for sales of Korean dramas, a factor which was bound to affect the media corporations' casting policy when producing trendy dramas. The emphasis on romantic genres, dressed up with aestheticized setting, music and idols, seem to become the clue/ formulae to make Korean TV dramas marketable. Also found in Japanese dramas, these features are seen to be associated with the onset of globalised consumer culture, which aggravates commodity aesthetics. The priority of visuals over words epitomizes the pressure to 'look good'. v) Melodrama Despite a lot of misunderstanding and conflicts, the couples in Japanese dramas tend to manage to overcome all the obstacles and consummate in the end. Whereas Japanese romance dramas tend to spoil the audience with happy ending thus lightening the tone of the dramas, many Korean dramas are infused with unrequited love, rivalries between families, failed romance. Tragedy seems to be defining feature especially in Korean dramas, in which the male and female leads often suffer from sickness, and even death. Said several respondents: 'They most often than not have to suffer from leukemia. And it only takes the female lead to faint and the next thing we see her hospitalized with the diagnosis being leukemia.' In Endless Love, we see Song Hye Kyo pale faced and suffered from some form of blood disease. In Beautiful Days, we also see Che Ji You (female lead) came down with a mysterious fatal blood disease which the drama never bothered to explain. To add to the fatality of disease, death is often elaborated in Korean dramas. One of the most memorable scenes in Endless Love was how Song Hye Kyo died while being carried on the shoulders of her ultimate love, Song Sang Hyun. A distraught Song later died being knocked down by a truck as he returned to the old school where he and his true love attended. In slow motion he was hurled metres into the air, followed by close up of his contented face, and viewers see how the scenes rewinded to the point before the female lead died. Besides death, partners forced to be separated (either by misunderstanding or intrusion of the third party), missing each other by the split second, are popular moments that never fail to stir the audiences' heart. This truncation of time and space is extended into more surreal setting, of two people from different time zones falling in love but could not beat the laws of nature. Melodramas are age-old genres common in soap operas across cultures and thus are not culturally specific. Said one respondent: 'I don't know why they are so infatuated with such outmoded storytelling methods'. However, the reasons why melodrama-infested Korean dramas are successful reveals both specific but largely environmental factors at play. As audiences from China, Hong Kong and Taiwan find melodramas played out more elaborately in tragedy and conspiracy infested Korean dramas. Some respondents relate the elaboration of tragedies in Korean dramas to a more cultural intrinsic reason: that tragedies are infested in Korean history, which caused the natives to develop a philosophy of Han, a deep grief that is seen to be entrenched in Korea's history and philosophy.10 While more research is needed on the relation between 'melodramas' in Korean dramas and the more deep-seated 'Han' in Korean culture, the result of which would reveal the extent of 'cultural discount' in TV dramas. On the other hand, this may only be the result of careful marketing strategies, the cultural relevance of melodrama under the present socio-economic milieu, and the composition of the TV audience. TV producers in Korea tend to have different views towards why Korean dramas are successful, and the formula for success. As some TV producers find the success 'surprising', they do not see special attention should be paid to produce with 'global formulae' to cater for overseas audience. (Point to note: producers claim that the overseas market only account for 10% of their viewership; their production is mainly targeted at local audience) However, some younger TV producers are increasingly aware of the appeal of the overseas market as a source of revenue. The reason why melodramas are often adopted in Korean TV dramas reflects a response to the overseas market. This is because they claim that melodramas are sought after by overseas audience. Said one producer: 'The Taiwanese audience are especially keen on melodramas.' By the same token, they find that China, Hong Kong and Taiwan audience embrace the idol factor. 'There seems to be cultural similarity across the Greater China region to crave for beautiful faces, and to 'chase stars': they go after the same idols as an important selection criteria for Korean dramas.' They also arrived at the conclusion that the overseas audience craves for a more simplistic storyline, with generalised morals and messages. But according to them, there seems to be a cultural dissonance between Korean and other Asian audience, in that the former expects a more complicated storylines and social related themes. While such reading of Korean vs 'others' is seen as natural, whether or not it is well grounded, points to an essential phenomenon about 'globalizing' local dramas. The production side packages local dramas according to what they think as 'marketable': de-odourizing its cultural scent, while sensationalizing/ popularizing with more universal genres. On the reception side, this also reflects what 'global' audience expects of imported dramas, with the help of the present socio-economic context. More importantly, it shows what melodramas may play a role in everyday life. Respondents from mainland China and Hong Kong asserted that they watched Korean dramas because 'they have no other choice'. Many preferred Korean dramas because the local dramas do not offer them the same indulgence in the emotions that Korean melodramas drum up. Besides its universality, the reason why melodramas appeal to the local audience has also to do with the composition of the local audience. In China and Hong Kong at least, the majority of audience remaining in front of the TV from 9 pm during prime time are housewives. One of the differences between the reception of Japanese and that of Korean dramas is that the latter tend to capture a cross-section of age groups of women (from teenagers to women in their 30s to the 50s). One of the reasons for such difference can be because more Korean dramas are broadcast on terrestrial TV, hence subject to the demographic change of TV audience. The older women may favour Korean dramas for their melodramatic tendencies. The intensification of emotions that melodramas offer enable the older women to indulge in a world where familial love is cherished and simpler relationship is still possible. In a modern world where relationships are become increasingly complex, fairytale romance which the male and female lead are only meant for one another, can be refreshing. Said one respondent in her 30s: 'no other dramas display such blatant (even crude) type of genre which manages to stir the hearts of the audience in an innocent/ raw fashion'. Especially for the middle-aged viewers, Korean dramas enable them to reminisce 'what things used to be'. This could explain why and how age-old genres like melodramas still work in the modern everyday: they invoke nostalgia as an essence in the fantasy world that TV dramas offer. In times of economic difficulty, nostalgia is seen to play a more important role in the everyday life of the audience, as they cope with the social changes brought about by the slackened economy. For Asian economies such as Hong Kong (or Taiwan and even Japan) which have not seemed to have fully recovered from the Asian financial crisis, people are still trying to make sense of the worsening social atmosphere that resulted from the economic slump. As such there has been discussion as to whether Korean dramas with its melodramatic overtone help to evoke the nostalgia among the audience of 'the good old times', which also include more innocent relationships. Melodramas also provide outlets to the audience for emotional release in these difficult times. Much has been discussed on the 911 syndrome that strikes the world of a malaise which includes pessimism towards the future, paranoia against 'enemies', and a general depression and negative outlook. The innocent and intense love relationship rich in Korean melodramas somehow provide catharsis that helps relieve the apocalyptic sentiments that have been accumulated recently. Hence there is a very interesting contextual relevance for melodramas, and confirms the role of TV dramas in the (local) everyday life. Cultural proximity as reasons for Korean success The success of Korean dramas is often compared with that of Japanese dramas. As was mentioned in Chinese newspapers: 'Korean dramas are favoured because they are rich in the more in traditional Confucian values, which place emphasis on familial relationship, filial piety and sibling love.' While being critical of Japanese dramas of their detachment from reality, they find Korean dramas true to it: 'Japanese dramas preach of decadence, idleness among young people. This is unrealistic. On the other hand, Korean dramas embrace reality.' Cultural proximity has been seen as the major reason for the widespread and simultaneous popularity of Korean dramas across Asia, and only to mainly Chinese communities in Latin America and Europe. On the other hand, there has been discussion about how much of the culture of the export these TV dramas carry. Notions about 'cultural discount' and 'cultural odour' have been enlisted. Iwabuchi, one of the more prominent critic on this account, asserts that rather than just discussing the odour present in the dramas, it is the audience who actively 'odourize' these dramas.11 In analyzing the Taiwanese audiences' reception of Japanese dramas, he related it to the economic imbalance between Japan and Taiwan. Rather than cultural proximity, he argues that the Taiwanese audience 'proximate' the Japanese dramas as models of aspiration. While agreeing that the local audience' reception of 'global' TV dramas is correlated with the socio-economic milieu of the two areas. Extending on the argument, I would go on to defy a simplistic definition of 'cultural proximity' as easy explanation of the cultural reasons for the success of Korean dramas. As I shall elaborate, one needs to tease out the complexities within the canopy of 'cultural proximity', if not argue whether it is 'proximity' that makes Korean dramas an 'Asian' hit. a) Corporeal likeness Audience from Taiwan and Hong Kong, when comparing with American dramas and sit-coms, favour Korean (and Japanese) dramas because 'they look like us: dark hair and eyes, we are all Asian looking. They even have a similar lifestyle.' As such, audience from Taiwan, Hong Kong and China may share a similar notion of beauty. However, a closer discussion with Mainland Chinese and Hong Kong audience reveals that they have differing preference for Japanese and Korean idols for beauty. While Hong Kong audience may find Korean actresses 'a bit outlandish' in their looks and favour the Japanese faces, Mainland Chinese audience embraces Korean actresses as models of beauty. Corporeal (and even ethnic) similarity enhances audience ability to easily identify with characters, either to indulge in the romantic fantasy, or to empathize with the characters over their life choice and decisions. This identification may even be due to linguistic proximity, where despite some difference in the language structure, Chinese, Korean and Japanese are similar: some Chinese characters are still being adopted in Korean and Japanese, Korean names are similar to Chinese names, while Korean and Japanese are similar in grammar structure. b) Behavioural/ Attitudinal proximity i) 'Confucian values' When mainland Chinese newspapers find Korean dramas rich in Confucian values, not only do they mean the respect for filial piety, but also a similar attitude towards seniority and authority, patriarchy (even female submissiveness), and stress for striving for success. Here, the similarity refers to value system, morality, and even world-view and life-goal that guides/ informs characters of their decisions and reactions which audience find empathic and identifiable. The reasons for this similarity can be traced down to some Confucian values, but more so Buddhist/ Taoist systems that also affect other Asian cultures such as Thailand, Singapore and Vietnam where Korean dramas are also popular. ii) Conservatism For many respondents, they especially like to savour the subtlety in the dealing of romance in Korean dramas. Said one respondent of a scene: 'The male lead, fearing the female lead hasn't brought her umbrella, chose to wait all the time outside the bookshop she was in.' Viewers tend to enjoy indulging in the repressed emotions of both the male and female lead, despite feeling frustrated. 'I just don't understand sometimes why they are so masochistic, even though it's obvious that they love each other, they choose to not divulge it; rather they would just stand aside and watch the world go on.' Asian people are often seen as being more reserved and conservative especially in the realms of expressing about one's emotions, love, sexuality, and about oneself in general. While this view could err on being Orientalist, it could be said that this conservatism could be one common denominator among audience who favour Korean dramas. c) Co-evalness I would agree that there is some truth in asserting a correlation between the economic state of the exporting and that of the importing culture, in the sense that a similar economic situation implies a commonality in their stage in modernization. To the extent that there is a direct relationship between the economy and the socio-cultural milieu of a country, then the audience across Hong Kong, Taiwan and mainland China can identify with the social situation that is portrayed in Korean dramas: the urban setting, professional life as well as lifestyle in the city. On the other hand, the question of co-evalness is also related to how one see of modernization as a function of Westernization, which is more interestingly revealed in the Hallyu case than in the Japanese wave. While Korean dramas are generally popular in China, Taiwan, Hong Kong and lately Japan, there are criticisms about these dramas being 'so slow paced, actually quite boring'. This is especially true of Hong Kong audience, but also for Shanghainese audience who are well versed into Hong Kong dramas. As dramas from Hong Kong, Taiwan, China have been circulated across these areas, audience seem to have a line-up of the different dramas in terms of its pace: 'Japanese and Hong Kong dramas have a good tempo and quicker pace; while Korean dramas are slow. But the Taiwanese dramas have to be the most difficult to watch.' I would think that audience from economically more developed cities would especially find slow paced dramas boring, as they lag behind the pace in their own cities. Hence in terms of co-evalness as a function of identification, the preference of Hong Kong audience towards Japanese dramas could be explained by the similar socio-cultural milieu that is entailed from their similar economic development. This should pose an interesting reference to the consumption of Japanese dramas in recent times when Japan is going through economic slump. The same question could be directed to the correlation between the success of Korean dramas at a time when the Korean economy shows sign of progress. Iwabuchi argued that Taiwanese audience 'proximates' Japanese dramas because of the more modernized and economically advanced state of Japan. While little has been researched on the correlation between economic performance and the viewers' consumption of TV, co-evalness may be one of the reasons for Asian economies to share similar social milieu that make Korean dramas popular. I do agree that the consumption of Japanese dramas is partly due to the audience's need for aspiration and appropriation, and for the same token, Korean dramas might be favoured by audience in less modernized areas (such as more rural areas in China). The slump in the Japanese wave around 1998 seems to have coincided with the slackening economy in Japan. But it remains to be seen and certainly merits further research if the natural cycle of trend following induced by global consumerist culture, or the direct correlation between economy and the popularity of a country's dramas plays a more important role in explaining the rise and fall of drama exports. On the other hand, TV dramas are seen as a source of aspiration. Another related question is the association between modernization and Westernization. While Taiwanese audience look up to Japanese dramas as they do to Japan, Japanese dramas are criticised by some mainland Chinese audience as 'too Westernized'. The political and colonialism sensitive mainland Chinese audience find Japanese too detached from reality, or was it because Japan seemed too modernized as to have lost its 'Asianness'? To complicate the question on co-evalness, as Iwabuchi has argued, the case of Japanese fans favouring Hong Kong pop stars was one of 'nostalgia', where Hong Kong was seen as weaker in economic performance, while retaining more 'Asian' features. The differing views on the Korean dramas by the Taiwanese, Hong Kong and mainland Chinese audience reveal the diverse perception and expectation of audience on TV dramas. In terms of co-evalness as a significant condition for the transnationalization of TV dramas across Asia, I would argue that at best it sets a 'framework of reference' that provides the ground rule for easy reading of the dramas in foreign localities. But because the audience tend to engage in diverse and shifting reading positions, they could seek identification, nostalgia as well as aspiration from the dramas. These diverse positions can occur simultaneously in the course of receiving the dramas. Co-evalness thus offers a cultural axis that these shifting positions navigate around. The case studies of Japanese wave and Hallyu provide food for thought concerning the correlation between TV dramas and their country of origin, juxtaposed with the differing stages of economic development/ modernization at the receiving localities. Besides the diverse possibilities of reading among local audience, the implication of Hallyu is that Korean dramas somehow strike an interesting balance of formulae that make it appealing to some, while having the necessary ingredients to keep some indignant audience. They are rich with urban scenes as representations of 'modernization', while infused with portrayals of familial values, demonstrating the example of 'Asianized modernity'. On the other hand, their slow pace appeals to those (often older audience) who need nostalgia in a fast tempo reality; but manage to attract the bored younger audience with rich visuals and idols, with romance that bespeak innocence and intensity. In this way, Korean dramas manage to 'provide something for everyone', combining age-old formulae of melodrama and romance with elements necessary to different target audience: young and old, urban and rural, most often women, but also for cultures of different stages of economic development. d) (Anti-)Colonial sentiments Another circumstantial factor reveals how watching TV dramas become politicized. When interviewing some Korean producers as well as audience from mainland China, some respondents remarked that one reason they prefer Korean dramas to Japanese ones was because the latter 'are Japanese', referring to the ordeal of Japanese occupation during Second World War. The hatred and haunt from history still mounted amongst some TV audience (or among their parents) to cause them hostility against Japanese dramas. Apart from this comparative advantage, Korean dramas seem to somehow enjoy the sense of solidarity that some audience have towards a country that shared a similar colonial past. Such discussion, however, does not appear among Hong Kong audience (although one male student did reveal to me that the fact about Japanese occupation affected his choice of dramas). Somehow political consciousness edging on nationalism plays a role in the consumption of TV dramas that goes beyond the productions themselves. Aside from a colonial consideration, a sense of nationalism/ patriotism is more blatantly seen in some exchanges on the web newsgroups. War of words between ha-Han and ha-Ru groups (which are not necessarily mutually exclusive), and anti-ha-Han groups is rampant on the newsgroups. 'Hallyu' somehow stirred up nationalistic reaction among some in the localities, revealing an inevitable side-product of media globalisation: nationalism which could work both ways for exporting products, and is dependent upon the political consciousness of the audience. e) De-politicized nature of K-dramas Political sensitivity also provided another added advantage for Korean dramas. Newspapers in mainland China, besides explaining the reasons for the popularity of Korean dramas, mentioned also that the products, which focus on family values and rivalry in the commercial world, are politically de-odoured. This is confirmed in an interview with the Programme Director of the Shanghai TV Station (member of the SMG), who admitted that Korean dramas 'seem to be able to squeeze through the administrative screenings because of this.' Censorship is especially strong in television stations, and amongst the different programmes, dramas seem to be one of the most closely watched types (after news and documentaries). (more explanation in the presentation about the censorship situation in Chinese stations) f) Cultural distance So far, I discussed in details in terms of the 'proximity' of Korean dramas as reasons for their success. However, I would assert that it's the distance, alongside the 'proximity', that Korean dramas appeal to local audience. As I have discussed earlier, audience across different localities favoured Korean dramas for the space that the dramas make them indulge in the fantasy of romance, and the way they make them think. One respondent in her 30s even claimed that one of the reasons she disliked Hong Kong dramas was that 'the actors and actresses are too real to me. In Hong Kong when we know so much about their private life, there is nothing mysterious about them, On the contrary, the Korean characters are distant.' I would contend that globalised dramas serve the function of extending the space for fantasy. Rather than cultural proximity, it is the cultural difference/ distance that enhance the foreign audience' mental space to indulge and fantasize in the exotic settings, exotic faces and lifestyles. Conclusion: 'Asian' reading of an 'Asian' formula? The comparative analysis of the consumption of Japanese and Korean dramas present an interesting case on cultural proximity as a deriding factor for media transnationalisation in Asia. I would agree that cultural proximity provides the basic stepping stone for the successful export of both Japanese and Korean dramas, and why its success is mainly confined to the Asian region. Both the Japanese and Korean wave are as importantly the result of successful distribution and publicity. But the rise of 'Hallyu' triumphing over Japanese dramas could at best be the result of 'being in the right place at the right time'. The 'natural life cycle' of trendy products granted the necessary downfall of Japanese dramas, giving Korean dramas the window of opportunity for their emergence. On the other hand, 'Hallyu' seems to present a better planned distribution and promotion strategy compared to that in Japan. The sudden and allround promotion across a range of media and cultural products, from film, TV, fashion, popular music to mobile phones, electrical appliances and cars, accentuates a cross sectional impact in foreign markets which creates mutual promotional benefit to anything Korean. In terms of content, both Japanese and Korean dramas possess the usual necessary 'globalizing' formula such as romance and urban appeal. However, the somehow deemed 'Korean formula', which is slow pace, glamourized professions, intense surrendipitous romance, and tragedy, but packaged with the coating of aestheticized and idols-laden setting, seems to offer an Asia-specific formula: all that intensify the 'desirability' of dramas. Thus Korean dramas are seen to possess the necessarily hybridised formula for success across the Asian region where Japanese dramas might have missed. This blend of 'Asianized but glamourized nostalgia' and commodified aspiration is awarded with socio-economic relevance in the Asian (or even global) context which intensified the need for nostalgia, catharsis and fantasy as escape. If one has to assert the 'Asianness' in Korean dramas, it might be the corporeal proximity, as well as stress on familial values, as well as the subtle or 'conservative' expression of love and sexuality that are rich in the dramas. Perhaps this is what Korean dramas offer for their Asian neighbours: the hybridisation of nostalgia, romance, 'Chineseness', but commodified idolatry, in an exotic setting. The 'so near and yet so far' 'structure of melodramatic imaginary' traverses with the 'part-fantasy, part reality' feature that is distinct of TV dramas as media form. Recently, in view of the increasing pressure to produce according to the 'prescribed' formula for success, some Korean TV producers have already expressed worry that Korean dramas are becoming 'homogenized' and popularized, reducing to the most common formula of melodrama and romance to ensure maximum export sales. It would be interesting to see the direction Korean TV dramas take as they 'globalize' their production. The comparative reading of Japanese and Korean dramas confirms the shifting reading position of TV audience based on their different needs of the TV dramas. As I have argued above, TV audience may engage in escape, catharsis or empathy from TV dramas, which invoke fantasy, nostalgia or identification at different time and space. The 'Korean formula' somehow manages to appeal to these different moments or affects of the cross-cultural Asian audience. Within this rubric, cultural proximity and co-evalness operate as catalysts or framework from which or through which fantasy, nostalgia or identification are fostered. Because of these shifting needs, Japanese and Korean dramas appeal to the audience of different age and gender based on their differing affects and needs. But to assert an 'Asian reading', which begs the articulation of an 'Asian audience', would be difficult. Rather than profusely denying one, I would argue that, based on the above analysis of Korean dramas, the emergence of 'Hallyu' could throw more light on some features specific to the reading of TV dramas across Asian cultures, or even cultures beyond Asia. However, much remains to be verified. First, on the notion of an 'Asianness' in the reading, the research has to extend to more Asian cultures not necessarily defined by national borders. Korean dramas are mainly popular in cities across Asia, which are better versed in the 'cobweb' or 'odour' of modernization and urbanisation to find the dramas appealing, as I have explained about the 'framework' of co-evalness. This may throw light onto the question of 'cultural proximity' and 'co-evalness' as necessary conditions for the transnationalisation of dramas, especially the cultural meaning of this transnationalization. Second, the so-called 'Confucian' values, while being very generalized, as well as the conservatism of Korean dramas might identify with some traits with some Asian cultures. To suffice for an 'Asian reading' would tempt one to generalize reading, the danger of which would be similar to 'sub-Orientalism'. In any case, more research needs to been done on the assertion that conservativeness and stress on family values are essentially 'Asian'. The discussion around Japanese and Korean dramas coincides with that of a search for 'Asianness' which has been in earnest in recent years. In terms of the discussion around media globalization, a lot has been asserted that the rise of these dramas suffices an 'Asianization of media'. This discussion matches that of the rise of 'Asian modernities' points to the success of several advanced Asian economies with 'Asian characteristics': a strong central government, and being able to retain essential 'Asian cultural traits' such as stress on the family as collective. The popularity of Korean dramas in Singapore, Malaysia and now China has spurred in recent years to the confirmation of the power of Asian modernities, in terms of economic as well as cultural development, which might challenge the predominant hegemony of America and Europe. While it remains to be seen whether Korean dramas could be successful abroad to rival that of Hollywood media products, similar caution should be exercised on the conception of 'Asianization of media products. The popularity of Korean dramas at best exemplifies an intensification of media products across (some) Asian cultures, and demonstrates even factors for the circulatability of the media products. Still the lesson for each country is the importance of cultural economy as one of many clues for economic or even political survival. More interestingly or even importantly, debates as to the impact of the onset of globalized consumer culture on the cultural sovereignty and identity of cultures involved will bound to increase. In any case, this paper hopes to have further problematized the terms 'cultural proximity', 'cultural discount' and 'cultural odour'. These concepts will become more important as media products are circulated in a sub-global ethnoscape and commo-scape (scape of commodity culture) where cultures, being so near and yet so far, are juxtaposed with the part-fantasy and reality mediascape of TV dramas. 1 Variety, 8th Nov, 2000 2 Moeran, p.73 3 Bridges, p.89 4 Website of Korea's Ministry of Culture and Tourism: http://www.mct.go.kr 5 Variety, Oct 19, 1999 6 Leung, 2002, p.68 7 Leung, 2003, p.85 8 Leung, ibid p.88 9 Leung, 2002, p.74 10 Son, p.46 11 Iwabuchi, p.26 Bibliography Abercrombie, & B. 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